By George Ginsburgs, Michael Mathos
The signing in Peking on may possibly 27, 1951, of the 17-point contract on Measures for the peaceable Liberation of Tibet marked the top of Tibet's most up-to-date forty-year interlude of de facto independence and formalized an association which, even if in a few respects differing from the sooner dating among China and Tibet, in precept yet reimposed the former's conventional suzerainty over the latter. due to the fact then, the path and trend of relatives among the primary govt and the so-called neighborhood executive of Tibet have passed through a sequence of drastic reappraisals and readjustments, culmi nating within the uprising of 1959 and the flight of the Dalai Lama to India. those occasions, including the hot degeneration of the Sino-Indian border dispute right into a full-fledged army disagreement, have served to dramatize the significance of Tibet from the perspective of world procedure and global international relations. lengthy earlier than that, even if, certainly ever because Tibet's profession via the chinese language pink armies and the region's potent submission to Peking's authority, the Tibetan query had already assumed the prestige of a big political challenge and that for quite a few solid purposes, inner in addition to foreign. From the vantage-point of household politics, the Tibetan factor used to be from the very begin, and nonetheless is now, of leading value on at the least 3 counts.
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Additional info for Communist China and Tibet: The First Dozen Years
CHAPTER II TIBET IN TRANSITION, 1951-1954 Such, then, was the Tibetan governmental structure which confronted the Communist authorities in 1951 and which they promised to respect within the constitutional context of the Chinese People's Republic. On the surface, the pledge was to a large extent observed, at least until the uprising of 1959, and the formal institutions of native Tibetan administration were altered but little. Nevertheless, while outright refashioning of the local State mechanism remained minimal during this first phase of Sino-Tibetan relations, the Chinese almost at once began introducing sundry indirect changes into the fabric of the area's political organization.
Thus, according to P. Carrasco, Land and Polity in Tibet (Seattle, 1959), p. , The Silent War in Tibet (New York, 1959), p. 129, maintains that "since ancient times Tibet was divided into dzongs, which were comparable to a county. The dilongpon was the head official, above the village leaders but below the regional governor. Traditionally the dllongpon had great power, particularly in the outlying areas. He was appointed for no definite period and often held the post for life. He was obligated to pay a fixed revenue from his dllong to Lhasa.
At issue here is the question of the "organic looseness," so to speak, of the Tibetan polity. The strong element of cohesion introduced into the indigenous community by the bonds of shared faith which crystallized around the Dalai Lama as a divine symbol have already been noted. At the religious level, accordingly, a centripetal movement definitely predominated which managed to integrate the disparate component ingredients in the population into a close approximation of a single national entity.
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