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By Jutta M. Hartmann, Laszlo Molnarfi

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Extra resources for Comparative Studies in Germanic Syntax: From Afrikaans to Zurich German (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)

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11 (769-839) The Nom/Acc alternation in Germanic is not retained in the passive, instead undergoing the Nom-to-Acc conversion regularly seen for ordinary relational, non-inherent accusatives, as in (22b). That is, what would seem to be ‘one and the same’ accusative shows paradoxical behavior. We may refer to this state of affairs as the Fate Accusative Puzzle. As we shall see soon, however, the puzzle is in a sense not real, as the unaccusative accusative is arguably not the ‘same’ accusative as the transitive one.

For a general discussion, see also Sigurðsson 2004d). . Alternatively, one can assume silent functional categories in examples of this sort, including the subject number and person, a modal head commonly expressed by verbs meaning ‘want’ and a silent main predicate commonly expressed by verbs meaning ‘get’. Under such an approach (tallying with the approach to morphosyntactic silence argued for in Sigurðsson 2004d), the problem of recoverability does not arise. 15 (1004-1089) The Nom/Acc alternation in Germanic (32) a.

G. standard Icelandic, German and Old English. Also, invoking the notion of ‘default case’ amounts to giving up any hope of an insightful account. g. predicative constructions (see the next subsection). Moreover, the change Dati -Accj > Nomi -Accj would involve two changes on the default case approach (inherent-default > relational-relational), whereas it involves only one change on the relational case approach (inherent+relational-relational > relational-relational). In addition, the accusative in the Faroese Dat-Acc pattern seems to be like regular relational accusatives in not being semantically linked, unlike both Psych Accusatives and Fate Accusatives.

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