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By Evon Z.; L. Alberto Ruz (eds.) Vogt

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Their majority 48 The Whig Decade was simply whittled away: from 150 MPs after the 1832 elections the Conservative numbers rose to about 290 in 1835, then 313 in 1837 (so that for the last four years ofWhig government the parties were very nearly ba1anced) and, finally, 370 in 1841. The Whig position was never so powerful as the returns at the 1832 elections suggested, since the 'supporters of government' were by no me ans all Whigs, but included more than 100 Radicals of varying hues, chief among them O'Connell's 'Brigade' of Irish nationalists and a knot ofBenthamites or 'Philosophic Radicals'.

In the same spirit a Conservative might have said in the 1830s, 'we are all reformers now'. The 1830s have long been known as the 'decade of reform'; and even if the achievements of the decade no longer seem to historians entirely to eclipse those ofthe 1820s, the tide is apt, for it was then that the expectation that every government, whatever its party label, would be a reforming one took root. Peel's 'Tamworth Manifesto' of 1834 acknowledged the fact. 3 When Melbourne's government was abrupdy dismissed by William IV at the end of 1834, Peel hurried back from a vacation in Italy to take up the reins of government.

Yet to a foreign observer, marvelling at the wealth of England and envying her constitutionalliberty, what was striking was the security of the ruling classes and their uns haken belief 44 The Structure of Post-Reform Politics their own permanence, freeing them to quarrel amicably among themselves and play the game ofpolitics in a gentlemanly manner. Organisational advances and a hardening of party loyalties were changing the rules of the game. In the House of Commons real independence was al ready becoming a luxury of the past by 1830.

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